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, by Julius Evola
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Product details
File Size: 416 KB
Print Length: 130 pages
Publisher: Arktos (April 25, 2013)
Publication Date: April 25, 2013
Sold by: Amazon Digital Services LLC
Language: English
ASIN: B00CJGBBH4
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One of Evolas best Critiques ! The introduction is extremely well written as well .
Rare attempt to look at the fascism beyond leftist clichés. Baron Evola points, that despite all fascist pretensions on aristocratic origins, it's rather populist ideology and practice, curiously synthesizing (or exploiting - both is true) socialist aspirations of the urban proletarians with derisory morals of the petty bourgeoisie. Those two insecure XX century social classes certainly have nothing to do with fascist ideology grandiloquence. Their eagerness to espouse any racist ideology is nothing but a compensation for their total lack of any real nobility of these classes.
Julius Evola (1898-1974) an Italian political philosopher saw in fascism an opportunity to revive tradition, or pre-Modern civilizations like that of the Roman Republic, where politics was divorced from economics and parties that vied with each other offering bribes and rewards to electors who would reward the successful bidder with a majority. He viewed the Enlightenment as a misnomer, and argued that deterministic rationalism had repudiated the existential essence of volkgeist Tradition. He saw himself as viewing fascism the right in the context of Italian politics, but in its purist form Fascism was not characterised by opposing interests but was focused on maintaining the spiritual integrity of governing aristocracies. Fascism had promise, but that it had deviated from its ideal. For Evola, Classical Rome provided an ideal where voting rights reflected the contributions individual citizens made to the state, as in the Comitia Centuriata, where numerical strength was countered by the function and dignity of those who were worthy to rule, who were empowered by a phenomenon Friedrich Nietzsche termed the power of distance.The role of the state and its ability to safeguard the integrity of the state are undermined by caesarism, or the ducalism, practised by Mussolini, who Evola feels sacrificed the certainty of a fascist state to the cult of personality and a pretence to believing in egalitarianism, which Evola feels is a strong threat to the stability of modern democracies.Yet following the First World War, Italy's weak and corrupt liberal democratic government and powerless monarchy could find some salvation in the imperfect fascism of Benito Mussolini, who, like Julius Caesar crossing the Rubicon, set up a diarchy, based on a symbolic monarchy combined with a personality cult. Like Caesar, Mussolini exploited veteran discontent to implement a coup d'état in the 1922 March on Rome, prompting King Victor Emmanuel III to invite Mussolini to form a government.Evola, had hoped that Mussolini's "conservative revolution" would not be an end in itself, but would instead lead to the reinstatement of the type of agrarian, feudal systems overthrown by upheavals like the French Revolution or the Italian Risorgimento. For Evola, the state was organic, rather than a product of the nation; in fact, it was the state that gave form to the nation. Mussolini superficially agreed with Evola, asserting that, "The nation does not beget the State . . . . On the contrary, the nation is created by the State, which gives the people . . . the will, and thereby an effective existence." But Mussolini propelled more towards empire and modernism than towards the dignity of the Italian state. It may be that he never trusted Mussolini to realise his ideal fascist state, for he never joined his party. For Evola, even the idea of party politics was anathema, based as it was on the assumption of dissension within the state.
a much more sophisticated philosopher than his epigone, Steve Bannon and although Evola is a Eurocentric traditionalist , he has some cultural background and had a complicated and very uneasy relationship with Mussolini. Could be read co-relatively with Gramsci's The Modern Prince for great insight into the Left-Right axis of our times.The tragedy for those with intellect today is the consistent dumbing down of the thinking of the Twenties and Thirties. Alas, in the age of Trump and Twitter, read, read, read!
Evola is an amazing philosopher and political thinker. In this book he outlines the right wing politucs of italy at the time and compares this to fascism. This book is an excellent read, however Evola starts to split hairs here and there. I wholly revommend this book for anyone interested in fascism.
Excellent book.
This work really needs no recommendation, as Anglophone readers of Evola have likely been eagerly waiting for this to be translated since they first heard of it. He brings his refreshing qualitative and metaphysical understanding of the world to the phenomenon of the fascism. As this seems to be the only book on fascism from a higher perspective, it is also the best and most accurate one. Readers who cannot meditate on certain truths expressed concisely and who require empirically-based historical works replete with names, dates, anecdotes and 'personalities' will not like this.Regarding the edition, however, there are flaws. First, like with many other Arktos books, the footnotes, while sometimes suitable, are more often pedantic. Need a reader be told who Bismarck was, what the Weimar Republic was, or what the 'principles of 1789' were? Such superfluous notes forced the publisher to awkwardly put Evola's own notes up with the main text, and presume a low level of historical knowledge on the part of the reader. While in these times it's not impossible that someone capable of understanding the book could be ignorant of certain basic facts, surely they would look them up elsewhere without space having to be wasted in this book.Second, it is annoying that this was split from its companion volume 'Notes on the Third Reich'. All of the European editions (except the first Italian one, I think) combined them in one book as they should be; 'Fascism' being just over a hundred pages and 'Notes' just under a hundred. The same translator was used and they were apparently translated at about the same time. Why split it up?
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